Cumhuriyet newspaper writer Baris TerkogluMinister of Industry and Technology Mustafa VarankHe wrote an article after the discussions that started with praising the warning “Do not use signs that connote LGBTI+” sent to the employees of the clothing brand LC Waikiki.
“LGBTI+s have nothing to do with this eventReminding what happened in the general assembly of TUSKON on March 1, 2014, which he defined as “FETÖ’s business people organization” in his article titled ”, Terkoğlu shared with his readers what happened next and his relationship with LC Waikiki executives.
Detained in the operation carried out against the TUSKON members after the July 15 coup attempt. İsmail Hakkı KısacikDrawing attention to , Terkoğlu said, “Who is İsmail Hakkı Kısacık? Taha Tekstil, the owner of the LCW brand, and the third partner of Taha Holding” shared the information.
Terkoğlu stated the following in his article in which he cited the information in the case file that Kısacık was associated with FETO:
“The result? Kizicik’s case left the main case on September 1, 2020. In April last year, the 23rd High Criminal Court of Istanbul sentenced Kısacık to 3 years and 9 months in prison for “knowingly and willingly helping an armed terrorist organization without being a member”. Interestingly, the complainant in the case was President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdogan’s lawyer was at the hearing when the decision was read.
Wait a minute… Whenever the LCW-FETO issue was brought up, the company made the same statement. They said that Kısacık is the junior partner of the company and does not have signature authority. In other words, they explained the situation as “not LCW, but its junior partner FETO.” But I have an answer to that too.
When a businessman is prosecuted for FETÖ, both his commercial partnerships and all money movements are included in his file. Küçük Ailesi, the big partner of LCW, was included in the files due to their partnership with Kısacık, although he was not the accused. What did I see? For example, Mustafa Küçük had only 15 kuruş at Bank Asya as of December 31, 2013. On January 15, 2014, the balance increased to 2 million 190 thousand liras. Just one month before the bank switched to SDIF, he reset his account. For example, on the 19th page of the MASAK report of Kısacık, there is a list of the money Vahap Küçük sent to Florya Businessmen’s Association under the umbrella of FETÖ’s TUSKON. Or, there is a flow on behalf of Taha Holding in the money movements going to TUSKON. And it’s not just the little ones…
In the MASAK report, the money movements of Taha Holding’s other partners with FETO’s institutions and individuals were also included in the file. However, the judiciary, which penalized depositing 3 thousand liras in Bank Asya for “aiding the organization”, bypassed them.”
To read the full article click.